New Jersey Report 2018-2025 Form

Firstly, introspect about the need for other exams while preparing CSE:Are you fed up with answering to the society and relatives?Are you looking for Financial Independence?Do you need backup in the name of other exams?In case of answers trying to convince you, then go ahead. There are lot of Officer Trainees or Officers who cleared this exam while working; a candidate needs to be cautious to sense the symptoms of “Comfort Zone” in job and come out it whenever required.Trust me every exam is unique and needs separate strategy in order to clear it. CSE is unique because of its Uncertainty.State Public Service Commission Exams’ might have similar syllabus other than the topics related to concerned state. Anyways, one need to know about their home state in detail while s/he is appearing for CSE Interview. So, preparing for SPSC exams are always win-win situation.That being said, Bank exams and SSC are nothing to do with CSE. Unlike those exams, only you need to get 66 marks in CSAT (Prelims Paper 2) as it is qualifying in nature and no matter you get 200/200 or 66/200 in CSAT, it is still the same. Also, it doesn’t count for merit.So, all you need is financial support, moral support, and emotional support from your parents.No Distractions when you choose this exam as your career option. It requires lot of dedication and patience. Accomplish your Goals, come hell or high water.Arjuna and the Bird's eye“Tell me what you can see, Arjuna,” repeated Drona.“I can see only the eye of the bird,” replied Arjuna without breaking eye contact with his target.“Can you not see the trees and the sky? Or perhaps the branch the bird is sitting on?” his mentor asked.“No sir, all I can see is the eye and nothing else,” he said, holding his bow steady and maintaining his unwavering gaze.Drona was pleased with this response. He cast a glance at the crowd of boys, who were held in silence but slowly began nodding as the lesson began to become clear to them. Drona was happy that one of his favorite pupils was able to pass his test. Now he only had to give the order.“Shoot!”Now, ball’s in your court. Decide, choose exams and make use of effective age wisely.Trust me castaway, I'll be your WILSON in this island (CSE).

I can not recommend what honorable president of India should do. I can only tell you about current set of procedures which are followed in case of “Hung Assembly”“Hung Assembly” simply means no political party or pre-poll formations has clear majority in general elections.Out of 14 Lok Sabhas elected since Independence, only eight have run their full term of five years.In fact, every general election from 1989 to the Lok Sabha has thrown up a fractured verdict. It is under these circumstances, when the Lok Sabha election does not produce a conclusive result because none of the parties or pre-poll formations secures a clear majority in the election, that the Constitution of India has empowered the President of India to decide in her or his discretion whom to invite to become the Prime Minister and form a government.Constitutional injunctionArticle 75 (1) of the Constitution of India reads: “The Prime Minister shall be appointed by the President and the other Ministers shall be appointed by the President on the advice of the Prime Minister.”Normally, the choice of Prime Minister will be decided by the party position in the House of the People. However, if the party position is not clear, the President will have to decide in her or his ‘discretion’ whom to invite to become the Prime Minister. In the exercise of such discretion, constitutional conventions play an important role in guiding the President.What are conventions?Constitutional conventions are rules of political practice that are regarded as binding by those to whom they apply. They are rules for determining the mode in which the discretionary powers of the crown (or of Ministers as servants of the crown) ought to be exercised (Dicey, Law of the Constitution, 10th edition, page 422). However, they are not laws as they are not enforced by courts or by the Houses of Parliament (Collin Munro, Laws and Conventions Distinguished, 91 LQR- 218 (1975) @ 218). Conventions grow from longstanding accepted practices or by agreement in areas where the law is silent and such a convention will not bsignNow the law but fill the gap. It is because the Constitution provides no guidance on who should be appointed Prime Minister that the conventions are adopted. Some of the characteristics of conventions are that, in most cases, they can be in general terms and circumstances because their application is uncertain and debatable, and that they are also not outlined in any document but develop over time and grow out of practice.Even though our Constitution is bulky, certain aspects are left to conventions. One of them is the appointment of Prime Minister by the President. Most of our constitutional conventions are derived from the United Kingdom. However, the British precedents offer no specific answers to the problems raised by elections in India. In the case reported in S.P. Anand vs H.D. Deve Gowda (1996) 6 SCC 734, the Supreme Court has held that the British convention that the Prime Minister should be a member of either House, preferably the House of Commons, is not in our constitutional scheme.In India, when the election results produce a hung Parliament, with no political party or pre-poll alliance getting an absolute majority, the task of the President bristles with difficulties since there are no established conventions that provide a clear answer. In the 1989 Lok Sabha election, no party secured a majority. The Congress with 194 seats was the single largest party in the House. So President R. Venkataraman first invited Congress party leader Rajiv Gandhi, who declined to form a government. Thereafter, the President invited the leader of the National Front, V.P. Singh, to form the government.President Venkataraman applied what is called the “arithmetic test/objective test” of summoning the parties in order of their numerical strength. On May 15, 1996, President S.D. Sharma, going by the formula evolved by his predecessor, appointed A.B. Vajpayee as Prime Minister. The government fell within 13 days of its appointment.This shows that being the leader of the single largest party does not necessarily mean that he or she will command majority support in the House. It is only the leader of the party or the leader of the group or formation who is able to secure the support of the House who should be invited to form the government.The problem of vaguenessHowever, the ascertainment of this support is not that easy since the relevant conventions are vague. The framers of our Constitution proposed instruments of instructions to guide the President and also Governors. Paragraph two of the proposed instructions to the President enjoined him to “appoint a person who has been found by him most likely to command a stable majority in Parliament as the Prime Minister.” However, the proposed instructions were dropped at the final stage of the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly (on October 11, 1949) because it was felt that they explicitly permitted the President to act on probabilities and were likely to mislead the President.Options for President:(a) If there is no single party with an absolute majority, the President may look for the leader of a pre-poll alliance that has a majority.(b) If there is no such pre-poll alliance that has a majority, the President may invite the leader of the pre-poll alliance who is supported by a sufficient number of Lok Sabha MPs to command an absolute majority.(c) It is only when options A and B are ruled out that the President may invite the leader of a post-poll alliance. The President will make sure that the groups or parties agree to some common programme or policies. The post-poll alliance must elect its leader before the President invites it to form the government.(d) When options A, B, and C are ruled out, the President may send a message to the House asking it to elect its leader (to seek a vote of confidence). The Constitution Review Commission, headed by a former Chief Justice of India, M.N. Venkatachelliah, recommended this option.(e) If the House also fails to elect its leader, the President may explore the possibility of installing a ‘National Government,’ in which all major political parties in the Lok Sabha may be represented. Such a government would only be a caretaker government for carrying out the day-to-day administration until the mid-term elections to the Lok Sabha are conducted.(f) If there is no possibility of installing a ‘National Government,’ the President may call a mid-term election. But with around 714 million voters, conducting elections in India is prohibitively expensive. Further, there is no guarantee that after such a mid-term election there will not be a hung Parliament again!

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